Six Years Later, Will Virginia’s Second Amendment Sanctuary Movement Rise Again?

Journalist Cam Edwards opened his Bearing Arms’ Cam & Co segment with a blunt question: can Virginia’s Second Amendment Sanctuary movement roar back the way it did six years ago?

He remembers what it felt like in late 2019 and early 2020. County board meetings overflowing. High-school gyms converted into hearing rooms. More than a hundred jurisdictions passing resolutions that promised no county resources for enforcing unconstitutional gun laws.

Back then, Democrats had just seized unified control of Richmond. Today, Edwards says, Virginia is right back in that posture – only worse. 

Democrats now hold the governor’s office, the attorney general’s office, and what he calls a “kill-shot” supermajority in the House of Delegates.

The avalanche of bills, he warns, is coming.

New Political Reality, Same Old Playbook

Radio host Mark Walters joined Edwards and didn’t sugarcoat it. “Every bad thing that can happen to you as a gun owner in Virginia,” Walters said, “is fitting to happen.” 

He expects pushes for waiting periods, permits-to-purchase, expansions of red flag laws, magazine limits, and hardware bans – “East California” vibes.

Edwards agreed on the trajectory, while noting a key nuance: some statewide policies are enforced through state police and dealer compliance. County resolutions alone won’t stop a statewide waiting period if FFLs must abide to keep their licenses.

But where the sanctuary strategy really matters, Edwards argued, is on possessory laws – magazine bans, rifle bans, local prosecutions over a 17-round magazine, or a vanilla AR-15. Sheriffs and commonwealth’s attorneys have discretion. 

They set priorities. They can say “we’re not making grandma with a 15-round mag our target.” That matters.

It sends a signal to Richmond. And it shields citizens in practical terms.

Who Should Lead This Time?

The first wave was largely driven by county supervisors passing proclamations and ordinances. Edwards wants an upgrade for Phase Two.

This time, he says, sheriffs and commonwealth’s attorneys should stand at the front. Both are elected. Both have independent authority. 

Both can publicly declare: “We won’t prioritize prosecutions for purely possessory ‘crimes’ that violate the Constitution.”

Walters stressed the power of that message. The sheriff is the oldest constitutionally elected office in America. When that office says “not a priority,” it ripples through every patrol car and courtroom in the county.

My take: that’s the right evolution. Resolutions are important. But enforcement discretion is decisive. If you’re in Virginia, pressure your sheriff’s office and the commonwealth’s attorney – respectfully, persistently, publicly. Make them choose a side in daylight.

The Movement Needs Bodies, Not Just Belief

Walters pointed to the grassroots engine that made 2019–2020 historic: VCDL. He says Virginia Citizens Defense League sits near 11,000 members. That number has to double or triple – now.

Edwards offered a reality check using VCDL’s own signature event. In January 2020, tens of thousands pressed into downtown Richmond for Lobby Day. 

He saw the crowd with his own eyes – a sea of people, not the “5,000” some networks printed. But in recent years, he says, turnout sagged into a few dozen.

That’s not enough when the House and Governor are aligned.

Here’s the hard part: people are exhausted. Walters described a Virginia Beach gun owner who told him he’s turning off the news and keeping his guns – period. 

I get the fatigue. But silence is surrender by another name. If you’re in your 20s, 30s, or 40s, the laws passed in 2026 could shadow your life for decades. That’s not the moment to check out.

What Works – and What Doesn’t

Edwards is clear-eyed about limits. No county can nullify state or federal law. The Missouri SAPA experience proved that, and the Supreme Court let that ruling stand.

But no one’s talking about nullification. They’re talking about priorities. Discretion. The same discretion a trooper uses when issuing a warning instead of a ticket. The same discretion prosecutors used in Virginia when many quietly stopped pursuing minor marijuana cases long before the legislature “caught up.”

Apply that discretion to possessory gun charges that criminalize ordinary gear in common use. That’s lawful. And it’s powerful.

Walters added a federal caution: under any administration, the ATF is still out there. Don’t fall for YouTube-law myths or “home-state-only” loopholes that end in real prison time. Stay on the right side of the line even as you fight to move it.

Meanwhile in Washington: Reciprocity and the Courts

Edwards also flagged movement in Congress – H.R. 38, national concealed carry reciprocity – stuck during the shutdown but likely to surface as regular order returns. 

He urged calls to House members. Passage in the House? Maybe. In the Senate? Slim. But momentum matters, and a floor vote puts names on the record.

On the judicial front, Edwards and Walters both noted that the Supreme Court is being pressed to take more Second Amendment cases. 

In a post-Bruen world, the justices have watched lower courts twist themselves to preserve bans. If the Court grants review in an AR-15 or magazine case and rules firmly, it could moot parts of Virginia’s agenda midstream.

That said, you can’t campaign on “maybe the Court saves us.” Build your county defenses now. Lobby now. Litigate when necessary. Hope for a strong SCOTUS ruling—but don’t wait for it.

Signs, Perimeters, and Participation

There’s a tactical micro-lesson here too. The modern enforcement world uses K9 detection, geofenced perimeters, and administrative chokepoints. 

“Concealed is concealed” is not a plan when you’re approaching a posted event or sensitive place. Know the map. Disarm legally where required. Don’t hand the other side an easy arrest.

But on the macro level, participation is the plan. Edwards said you don’t have to watch cable news to be informed. Do the simple thing: sign up for VCDL alerts and any credible grassroots updates. You’ll get the one email that matters – the one telling you which meeting, which bill, which vote needs your body in a chair and your voice at a microphone.

I’ll add one more: bring neighbors who’ve never been. The movement grows one passenger at a time.

Their conversation took a detour into platform censorship. Walters said his Armed American Radio livestream was restricted on YouTube after he assembled a toy “goat gun” model on camera – appeal denied. 

You can roll your eyes or you can connect the dots: the same culture that treats a toy model as verboten content is the culture writing rules for your kids’ schools, your town’s vendors, and your bank’s compliance department.

Policy battles happen at the Capitol. Culture battles happen everywhere else. Both matter.

What A Reboot Looks Like – In Practice

If the sanctuary movement is going to rise again, here’s what Edwards and Walters point toward:

– County Boards: Dust off and re-pass sanctuary resolutions. Update them to reflect new state proposals and to instruct county staff where discretion exists.

– Sheriffs: Issue public statements deprioritizing possessory-only gun charges against peaceable citizens. Meet with community leaders to explain policies clearly.

– Commonwealth’s Attorneys: Publish charging guidelines. Decide, in writing, that pursuing a father over a 20-round mag isn’t a wise use of resources.

– VCDL: Recruit relentlessly. Double membership. Fill rooms. Flood inboxes. Set a Lobby Day tone that echoes 2020, not 2023.

– Citizens: Show up—county meetings, sheriff town halls, Lobby Day. Be respectful, be numerous, be unmissable.

None of that nullifies a state statute. But all of that reshapes enforcement reality and political risk – and that’s how you blunt an avalanche.

Cam Edwards sees the wave coming. Mark Walters sees how bad it could get. They both see a path that worked before: local resistance rooted in law, backed by bodies, and amplified by elected sheriffs and prosecutors willing to use their discretion.

My view: Virginia doesn’t need nostalgia. It needs repetition at scale. Run the 2019–2020 play again – smarter, broader, louder. If courts step in later, great. If Congress moves reciprocity, great. But don’t wait on saviors.

Six years ago, regular people packed county rooms and changed the conversation. If they do it again – soon – history won’t just repeat itself.

It will rhyme with purpose.