Attorney William Kirk says New York just changed the rules of engagement. Not for arrests – but for taking your guns.
In a detailed walkthrough on Washington Gun Law, Kirk warns that a newly enacted statute lets officers seize firearms without an arrest, without probable cause that a crime occurred, and without a judge’s order – based only on an officer’s “reasonable belief” in the field.
He calls it a first-step disarmament that can be triggered by nothing more than a call for a “family offense” response.
What William Kirk Says The Law Does

Kirk identifies the measure as New York Assembly Bill 544, signed by Gov. Kathy Hochul on October 16 with an emergency effective date. That means: it took effect the day it was signed.
According to Kirk, the bill amends Criminal Procedure Law §140.10 by adding a new subsection – his “section three.”
This language, he says, authorizes officers who respond to a “family offense” (New York’s term that roughly maps to domestic-violence contexts) to take temporary custody of any firearm in plain view or discovered in a lawful or consensual search when the officer has a reasonable belief that removing the weapon is necessary to protect a victim or others or to prevent further violence or threats.
He stresses the shift: no arrest required. No probable cause of a crime required.
Just the officer’s on-scene judgment.
From Probable Cause To “Reasonable Suspicion”
Kirk lays out the standards like a ladder. Traditional firearm seizures happened alongside an arrest or a warrant-backed search – both anchored in probable cause.

This new subsection, he says, drops the threshold to reasonable suspicion – and not even reasonable suspicion of criminal activity. The trigger is the officer’s belief that seizing the firearm is necessary for protection or to prevent future harm.
That’s a profound distinction. Probable cause is about facts that would lead a reasonable person to believe a crime was committed. Reasonable suspicion is a notch lower – more like a specific, articulable concern. Kirk’s critique: New York just greenlit gun seizures at that lower level, in the field, without judicial oversight at the moment of the taking.
Not A Red Flag Order—Something Looser
Kirk is explicit: this is not a red flag order. Red flag (extreme risk) laws at least require a petition, a judge, and a record.
Here, as Kirk describes it, the decision belongs to the responding officer. If the officer thinks temporary disarmament “right now” is the prudent move, they can do it – even if they lack probable cause to arrest anyone.
No immediate hearing. No sworn petition. No adversarial process at the door.
He calls that “incredibly dangerous,” because it moves the most consequential step – seizing a person’s firearms – before any neutral decision maker weighs in. If you felt red flag laws were already thin on due process, Kirk argues this is thinner.
The Clock Just Got Longer
Kirk flags one more change he says is buried in a few words but huge in impact. Previously, if officers seized firearms and the state failed to obtain a court order within 48 hours, the guns had to be returned.
Now, he says, the law gives New York up to 120 hours – five days – to secure some judicial order to keep the firearms.

That’s more than double the time the state can hold onto your property while it gets its ducks in a row.
And here’s the kicker in Kirk’s telling: that follow-on order is still tied to the lower standard that authorized the seizure in the first place.
In his view, you can end up living for days without your firearms based on nothing more than an officer’s in-the-moment “reasonable belief” – with the state then racing to backfill legal process after the fact.
How This Plays Out On Your Doorstep
Kirk walks through the scenario.
Someone calls police about a family-offense situation. Officers respond. They don’t find enough for an arrest. They don’t form probable cause that a crime was committed.
But they can articulate a concern that removing guns would protect a person or prevent a threat. Under the new language, Kirk says, that’s sufficient to seize firearms in plain view or found with consent/lawful search. No cuffs. No charges. No warrant.
The practical effect, as he frames it: New Yorkers can be disarmed over a phone call even when no one is arrested and no crime is charged – so long as the officer can explain why seizing the guns felt “necessary” at the moment.
Kirk places this in a broader trend. Once one “civilian disarmament state,” as he calls it, builds a template for warrantless, pre-arrest seizures, others take notes.
He’s seen it before with permitting restrictions, “sensitive places,” and carry rules after Bruen. Policy ideas migrate.
He expects similar copycats here, especially in states already comfortable with aggressive domestic-violence interventions and expanded police discretion in the name of “prevention.”
He doesn’t dismiss the gravity of family-offense calls—he notes that agencies take them very seriously and often have mandatory arrest and first-appearance rules.
His point is narrower: if the facts justify arrest, the law already allowed seizure under probable cause. This new lane, he argues, is built for cases that don’t meet that threshold – and that’s exactly what worries him.
The Constitution Hates “Trust Us”

Kirk is sounding an alarm I think courts will hear: front-end discretion, back-end process is the inverse of how due process is supposed to work when constitutional rights are implicated.
Seizing firearms is not a small administrative act. It touches the Second Amendment, the Fourth Amendment (seizures), and the Fourteenth (due process).
When the state wants to preemptively disarm you, the traditional bargain is judicial oversight first, seizure second, unless exigent circumstances leave no time. Even then, a judge is looped in immediately after.
What New York just did – if Kirk’s reading is right – is flip that order for a whole class of calls. “Trust the officer now; we’ll sort out the paperwork later.” Courts are routinely skeptical of laws that formalize “seize first, justify later” in areas touching core rights.
What Gun Owners In New York Can Do Right Now
You don’t have to agree with Kirk on every policy point to take his practical advice seriously.
- Know the standard. If officers respond to a family-offense call, understand that they may lawfully seize firearms without arrest if they can articulate a protective “reasonable belief.”
- Control plain view. Kirk highlights that seizures apply to guns in plain sight or found in a consensual or lawful search. You control consent. If officers lack a warrant and exigency, you can respectfully decline consent.
- Request counsel. If a seizure is happening, calmly ask for a receipt/inventory and speak with an attorney. Time matters now that the state has 120 hours to secure an order.
- Document everything. Names, badge numbers, body-cam status, statements about why the seizure is “necessary.” That record becomes your leverage in court.
- Prepare for recovery. If no order is obtained within the statutory window, follow up immediately for return. If an order issues, be ready to challenge the standard applied and the evidence used.
Where This Likely Heads

I expect litigation.
If the statute truly authorizes warrantless, pre-arrest gun seizures on a non-criminal reasonable-suspicion standard, plaintiffs will argue it fails Bruen’s historical test and violates the Fourth and Fourteenth Amendments.
Judges will ask: Where is the analogue in American tradition for disarming citizens without probable cause of crime and without a judge?
If the state answers with domestic-violence protections, courts will parse whether those historical measures involved judicial bonds of surety and magistrate review—not unilateral officer discretion.
Kirk’s bottom line is clear: New York created a shortcut around process, and shortcuts around process are exactly where constitutional challenges thrive.
William Kirk’s warning boils down to this: New York built a new lane for firearm seizures that lives between “nothing happened” and “you’re under arrest.” It’s a lane paved with reasonable suspicion and driven by on-scene discretion.
If you live in New York, treat any family-offense call as a moment when your rights are most vulnerable – even if you’ve done nothing wrong. If you live elsewhere, watch your legislature. Policies like this don’t stay put.
And whether you cheer or jeer the law, we should all insist on the same principle: serious government actions should run through judges, not around them.
For more information, watch the Washington Gun Law video here.

A former park ranger and wildlife conservationist, Lisa’s passion for survival started with her deep connection to nature. Raised on a small farm in northern Wisconsin, she learned how to grow her own food, raise livestock, and live off the land. Lisa is our dedicated Second Amendment news writer and also focuses on homesteading, natural remedies, and survival strategies. Lisa aims to help others live more sustainably and prepare for the unexpected.


































